From Nozha Trabelsi
As Donald Trump prepares to move back into the White House for a second term, concerns over the resilience of American democracy have reached new heights. From attempts to overturn the 2020 election results leading to the Capitol attacks to ongoing legal battles, the fractures in the United States’ democratic system are more visible than ever.
These developments have sparked global conversations. How could the world’s biggest democracy appear so vulnerable?
According to USA expert Samira Khemkhem, director of the Institute for International Relations at the University of Strasbourg (IRIUS), the answers may not lie in the chaos of recent years but in the roots of the system itself. Designed in the 18th century by the Founding Fathers, America’s democracy was built on compromises that prioritized political stability over inclusivity – compromises that excluded women, enslaved individuals, and Native Americans from the democratic process.
Are today’s vulnerabilities, from voter suppression to extreme polarization, inevitable outcomes of choices made centuries ago? And if so, what does this mean for the future of democracy in America and beyond?
Historical Roots of Exclusion
American democracy, celebrated for its ideals of liberty and equality, was built on a foundation of exclusion. Political participation was restricted to white, land-owning men, where enslaved individuals, women, and indigenous people were deliberately excluded.
This exclusion was a deliberate compromise designed to secure political stability in a divided nation. The 1790 Naturalization Act, which limited citizenship to white persons institutionalized racial hierarchies, laying the groundwork for systemic inequities that persist today.
Matt Leighninger, Director of the Center for Democracy Innovation, notes that “the Founding Fathers did the best they could – given their context.” Their goal was to create a viable republic—not a fully inclusive democracy. However, the structures they created, like the Electoral College, were designed to prioritize state interests over popular representation. In the 21st century, these mechanisms increase the rights of minorities and take away the voice of millions, fueling political frustration.
Despite these systemic flaws, American democracy has shown a remarkable capacity for reform. The abolition of slavery, Reconstruction Amendments, and the Civil Rights Movement illustrate its ability to expand democratic participation. Yet, Leighninger cautions, these victories are not enough: “The real threat to democracy is not just voter suppression but the absence of meaningful ways for citizens to engage.”
The Founding Fathers’ Legacy
Hannah Arendt’s The Revolutionary Spirit and Its Lost Treasure offers a compelling lens through which to view the Founding Fathers’ choices. Arendt argued that revolutions often prioritize stability over continued reinvention, losing their transformative potential. Similarly, the Founding Fathers’ compromises—while stabilizing in their time—have become obstacles in an increasingly diverse society.
Leighninger emphasizes that the Founders’ inability to anticipate the complexities of modern society is at the heart of many contemporary issues. Extreme polarization, the influence of corporate money in politics, and the disenfranchisement of minority groups stem, in part, from systems designed centuries ago.
Khemkhem agrees, pointing to the Electoral College and Senate as institutions that now distort democratic representation. “These systems, once necessary compromises, now undermine the very principles of equality and fairness,” she notes.
The American Contradiction
The U.S.’s global role as a promoter of democracy is complicated by its internal struggles, says Leighninger. He highlights the disparity between American rhetoric and action: while the U.S. spends billions promoting democracy abroad, its domestic democratic infrastructure remains underfunded and outdated.
This contradiction weakens the nation’s soft power. Khemkhem observes that selective support for democratic movements and alliances with autocratic regimes often make the U.S. appear hypocritical. Yet, she also sees strength in the transparency of its challenges. “The U.S.’s willingness to confront its flaws publicly demonstrates the robustness of its civil society,” she argues.
Both experts agree that global perceptions of the U.S. are evolving. Nations that once idolized American democracy now view it with a mix of skepticism and inspiration. The resilience of American institutions, even amid turmoil, offers lessons in accountability and perseverance to other countries.
Pathways for Reform
Both Leighninger and Khemkhem stress that the future of American democracy lies in reinvention. Leighninger calls for innovations in civic engagement, emphasizing the need for both democracy “in the streets” and “in the buildings.” Grassroots movements must complement institutional reforms to rebuild trust and participation.
Khemkhem points to international examples, such as proportional representation in Scandinavia or independent electoral commissions in Canada, as models for addressing systemic inequities. She also highlights the importance of adapting electoral systems to reflect America’s diversity.
According to Leighninger, technological and digital innovations must be part of this evolution. From participatory budgeting to online forums for public deliberation, these tools can help bridge the gap between citizens and their government. “Democracy must meet people where they are”.
The Revolutionary Spirit in Modern America
The revolutionary spirit that inspired the Founding Fathers must now be reclaimed. Democracy is not static; it requires continuous reinvention to survive. Leighninger warns that without bold reforms, the growing distrust in institutions could lead to apathy or extremism.
The current wave of civic engagement—from movements for racial justice to advocacy for voting rights—offers hope. These movements challenge systemic inequities and push for a more inclusive democracy, embodying the transformative potential that Arendt already identified. Khemkhem remains cautiously optimistic. In her point of view, the U.S. has the capacity to reform, but it must confront its historical legacies head-on. The revolutionary spirit would then not be lost—but evolving.
The Founding Fathers cannot be wholly blamed for the vulnerabilities of modern American democracy. They created a system suited to their time, but one that now struggles under the weight of its contradictions.
As Leighninger and Khemkhem both argue, democracy’s greatest strength is its capacity for self-correction. By embracing its revolutionary spirit and learning from both its history and global examples, the U.S. can evolve into a democracy that aligns its ideals with reality. This reinvention is not just vital for America but for the future of democracy worldwide.
About the author
Nozha Trabelsi, 23 years old, is a student at the Institute of International Relations of the University of Strasbourg and the Hochschule Kehl as part of a dual Franco-German Master’s degree in International Relations. Her ambition is to raise awareness about the complex links between racism, populism, and media, while leveraging her knowledge and experiences to combat inequalities and advocate for a more just and inclusive society.
